Lunging Towards a Hindu State: The RSS in Varanasi
By: Aruna Viswanatha
April 22, 2006 04:38 PM | Permalink
VARANASI, INDIA -- The Economist once called it the largest non-communist organization in the world. One of its activists killed India’s beloved independence leader, Mahatma Gandhi. Fascist, theocratic, chauvinist and militant are only a few of the epithets hurled at its members.
But to those members it is the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Roughly translated as the National Volunteers Union and commonly known as the RSS, the organization claims more than seven million adherents across the subcontinent dedicated to Hindu nationalism and the idea that India is, first and foremost, a Hindu nation.
It is a top-down organization, with more than 25,000 chapters all over India but concentrated in the countryside. Each chapter, or shaka, gathers daily for an hour of calisthenics, discussion and prayer, and these meetings are also known as shakas.
Just off Assi Ghat, on the banks of the holy Ganga (formerly Ganges) River in the city of Varanasi, dozens of young boys gathered for an evening session one night last month. They came from nearby apartments to a packed sand courtyard that was home only to one ragged sawtooth oak and a nondescript, white shack off to the side that serves as a Hanuman temple.
Dressed in varying degrees of conformity to the RSS uniform, which consists of pleated khaki shorts, a white, collared long-sleeved shirt folded to the elbows, black shoes and a black cap, the students ranged in age from 5 and 6 to their mid-20s. Their instructors were middle-aged men who themselves had been attending the shakas since childhood.
Their leader, who gave only the name Gyanesh, called out orders as the games portion of the gathering began. Resembling a Hindu version of boy scouts, they stood in line shortest to tallest, wrapped their arms around the waist in front of them, and started running, worm-like, shouting and cheering and soon tripping over each other’s feet.
“The aim is higher nationality,” explained Gyanesh. “How we can grow, that is our goal.”
After the games came what appeared to be a martial arts segment, complete with lunges and sharp arm movements punctuated with "hiyas." “Judo karate,” explained another RSS volunteer, but was quickly corrected by his friend. “Niyud,” a long-time Varanasi resident Devesh Tripathi interrupted. “An Indian martial art.”
RSS volunteers show off their martial arts prowess. (Ari Paul)
The RSS was founded in 1925, by Dr. K.B. Hedgewar, “to save Hinduism from conversions of Christians and Muslims,” as Tripathi put it. Initially set up as an anti-colonial movement, its main goal was to unite Hindus across caste and linguistic lines. Christian and Muslim missionaries would target low-caste Hindus, so the RSS, then and today, created programs targeting poverty and economic development to keep Hindus within their fold.
Often called the “saffron brotherhood” along with their allies in the World Hindu Council (Vishwa Hindu Parishad, or VHP) and the Bharata Janata Party (BJP), the RSS-led network is united under a banner of Hindutva. Saffron is considered the color of Hinduism, but Hindutva is not essentially theology. Instead, it is an idea that imagines India as a motherland and a holy land and its followers take up strident nationalism in the name of her defense.
“We don’t pray to God here, we don’t salute a person,” Tripathi explained, “we pray to the flag.” The children lined up in rows and faced a short pole with a limp orange cloth hanging from its top. This was not the Indian flag, but the Hindutva flag. “Bharat Mata ki jai!” the ragtag bunch shouted, “long live Mother India!”
Tug-of-war, Bharat Mata style. (Ari Paul)
Abhay Pandey, a government employee at Banaras Hindu University who now serves as the RSS head in Varanasi, described his initial attraction to the group. “My family was involved,” he recalled in halting English. “My father was active in RSS,” he continued, “he would work for society, for nation, for deprived persons.”
“We are sons of Bharat Mata,” Pandey said, referring to the motherland. “Our duty, and our worship, is to work for nation.” He thought for a moment, and then clarified, “not only state.”
Even though the RSS stresses its “social and cultural” activities and vocally denies any stake in politics, the group is generally understood as the parent organization of the right-of-center BJP.
The BJP rose to power in 1992, after a national dispute over a 400–year-old mosque in the town Ayodhya that was allegedly built above the ruins of an ancient Hindu temple. Its leaders helped incite a mob that eventually tore down the mosque. A decade later, local Hindutva leaders in Gujarat were accused of participating in the communal slaughter of more than 1,000 Muslims after several dozen Hindus were killed in a train fire, allegedly set by Islamic militants. By 2004, the BJP-led coalition was knocked out of power by the secular Congress Party, though it still controlled many state governments throughout India.
As in Iraq, where Sunnis and Shiites increasingly turn to sectarian leadership for protection since no central force has successfully clamped down on the violence, so, too, communal appeal in India often waxes and wanes with the level of security. “It’s a patronage kind of thing,” said Mannika Chopra, a Delhi-based journalist.
In Varanasi, where bomb blasts killed four and injured dozens last month, Hindus and Muslims have a long, if storied, history of living relatively peacefully together. Varanasi’s Hindus participate in the Muslim holiday of Muharram, and worship at Sufi shrines. The legendary Muslim flute player and one of Varanasi's most celebrated locals,Ustad Bismallah Khan, often plays devotional songs at Hindu temples.
But after the Ayodhya violence, Varanasi’s local Hindi papers published fictionalized accounts of Hindus being killed at a nearby Muslim university and other bouts of Hindu-Muslim violence.
The usually joyful Saraswati Puja, a Hindu holiday celebrating the goddess of knowledge, took a sinister turn this year as the RSS marched in the street carrying swords.
“Young people start with the RSS, and spend two or three years with them and grow disillusioned,” said Priyankar Upadhyaya, a professor at Banaras Hindu University, describing the experience of some members. “Even the bomb blasts for the RSS people were more a tamasha than anything else,” he said, referring to a word used in India meaning show, or entertainment.
“They are basically good people, who want to do good,” Upadhyaya said. “You take away hatred of Muslims and there is not much left.”
The RSS depends on an international fundraising network of Indian expatriates to survive. Dr. Upadhyaya explained that he comes across RSS activists when he visits the U.S. more often than he does in India. “I spent time with Sudarshan in North America,” he recalled, naming the RSS chief. “They just don’t understand the practical implications.”
If the RSS depends on anti-Muslim sentiment as a binding force, they also believe the opposite is true. K.S. Sudarshan offered in an interview with The Indian Express last year, “Pakistan’s identity depends on its enmity with India. If this is removed, then Pakistan will be finished.”
Back at Assi Ghat, the shaka leader, Gyanesh, was finishing up a story about how the 17th century Sikh leader, Guru Gobind Singh, lost his family to Emperor Aurangzeb, the Mughal emperor who was forcing Hindus to convert to Islam or be killed. Instead of surrendering, Gyanesh explained, Singh solidified Sikhism in order to protect Hinduism.
“If your country needs you, will you go to the borders?” Gyanesh shouted in Hindi during the final exercise of the evening. They all raise their hands eagerly.









